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Is
China influence growing at the expense of
America?
Tuesday,
November20, 2007
By Francis W. Nyepon

PR
China’s direct
investment in Africa has grown exponentially
from $5 million in 1991, to over $50 billion
to date. Its appetite for Africa’s raw
material and market for finished products has
indeed grown substantially, since
President Sirleaf came to office,
and the
pace of PR China’s investment in Liberia
shows no sign of slackening.
Liberia
is witnessing a steady
acceleration in Chinese investment activities,
which many in the Sirleaf administration are
quick to broadcast as great for Liberia’s
recovery, causing many
Liberian business people to view PR China as
the new vehicle for Liberia’s prosperity.
But many policymakers come to the table
without a study of PR China’s African policy
and investment practices around the continent.
Even the president has been prudent not to
completely wrap herself around PR China’s
African policy
of "mutual
benefit" and "win-win
cooperation", even though her
administration has rightfully returned Liberia
to its original ‘One China Policy’.
This
author presents herein a provocative look at
PR China’s presence in Liberia, whilst
contrasting its behavior on the continent with
a stroke of neo-colonialism. As PR China’s
influence grows in Liberia, one wonders
whether or not its investment would
potentially boost its leverage within the
Sirleaf administration, and increase its
presence above that of the United States. This
author believes that PR China has the
potential to bring either great promise or
great harm to Liberia’s quest to reduce
poverty, rebuild its destroyed infrastructure
and transform its social order. This is the
double edge sword, and tight rope which many
in the Sirleaf administration must master with
strategic thinking and tactical execution.
However,
by sounding the alarm bell now, this author
believes it would avert potential policy
blunders of monumental proportions for Liberia
in the future. For example: Chinese potential
competition on Liberian entrepreneurs and
exports will eventually emerge as a serious
challenge to Sino-Liberian relations. In such
likelihood, one can envision Chinese traders
doing business in Liberia and obtaining
consumer goods from China more cheaply through
their networks than Liberian entrepreneurs,
which would undercut Liberian ventures and
breed resentment; thereby not igniting social
transformation as the Sirleaf administration
hope. Understandably, this is a catch 22
situation. Nonetheless, PR China’s voracious
appetite for raw materials and its generous
investment package for Liberia are helping to
push the Sirleaf administration towards policy
initiatives that are driving our immediate
recovery needs, which eventually may not
improve our economic situation at all, but
instead hurt local entrepreneurs and
sustainable development goals.
This
essay is a clarion call for caution and
vigilance. The possibility exists that PR
China could potentially use its investment in
Liberia to facilitate corruption, and
negotiate lopsided contracts to again
reinforce a patronage system without intending
to do so. For example, its generous investment
programs in Liberia could give politicians a
potential leeway to manipulate institutions to
preserve their own power base from which to
build political status, personal wealth and
prestige. This
author wonders about good governance and what
would happen to President Sirleaf’s
anti-corruption agenda when evidence
eventually mounts that Chinese firms are all
too eager to bribe their way to lucrative
contracts or directly into the pockets of
officials.
This
author believes that the Sirleaf
administration’s fancy cartwheel over
Chinese investment spree must give way to
sober reflection so as to prevent another
one-sided exploitation of our natural
resources, which was used by a select group of
unscrupulous individuals in our recent past to
fuel bloody conflicts, and amass
disproportional wealth at the expense of
ordinary Liberians. Right or wrong, the
administration’s key policymakers on China
do not comprehend PR China and its policy
towards Africa as others have found out the
hard way in Zimbabwe, Sudan, Angola, Zambia
and DR Congo. For example: during President
Sirleaf’s visit to Beijing, the visiting
Liberian delegations interacted primarily with
Chinese Africanists and aid specialists based
at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, a
think tank without the Liberians recognizing
this essential strategy. At the Academy, the
Chinese portrayed their country as a selfless
friend of Africa frequently referencing PR
China's Cold War aid programs and support for
African liberation movements, which the
visiting Liberians share no appreciation.
A
concern to be prudent and meticulous is not a
suggestion that the Sirleaf administration is
not painstakingly being careful and resolute
in developing an effective Sino-Liberian
relationship. However, PR China’s business
interests should not be allowed to follow the
usual pattern of big powers that have
traditionally treated Africa mainly as a
source of raw materials, cheap labor, market
for finished goods, and policies which
undermined efforts to nurture democracy and
improve human rights. The Sirleaf
administration should not be fooled and allow
Liberia’s future to be entrapped by PR
China’s Cold War antics and public relations
rhetoric. Liberia’s China specialists should
come to the realization that PR China has a
reputation for promoting policy which provides
state-owned companies with subsidies to forgo
short-term profits in pursuit of long-term
strategic national interests.
The
Sirleaf administration angst, impatience and
drive to jumpstart the economy have allow PR
China to expand its footprints from the Samuel
Kanyon Doe Stadium, to an investment package
that include a mixture of outright cash, cheap
credit, technical expertise and training,
including in-kind benefits such as roads,
medical and educational facilities,
agriculture, telecommunications and aviation.
So, policymakers in the Sirleaf administration
better take the hint and become wiser before
PR China’s
business practices leave much to be desired,
since there is a common practice and high
degree of tolerance by the Chinese for
corruption and low standards in the workplace
and environmental regulations.
This
author understands the motivation of the
enthusiasm over PR China frantic interest in
Liberia and
the borrowing restrictions placed on
our country’s credit, debt and bond rating
by international banks in the United States
and Europe; debt forgiven by multilateral
institutions though HIPC; and the near total
lack of funding for infrastructure from the
U.S.. The position taken by western
governments and institutions provides PR China
and its state-owned companies with a broad
window of investment climate and business
environment in Liberia where most American
investors seem to be avoiding. However, given
the US historic relationship with Liberia, it
needs to move more aggressively to encourage
heavy investment in Liberia especially in
strategic areas. For example: An interest-free
credit guarantee that would allow US-base
companies to invest in infrastructure
development, would be an excellent platform
from which such an American initiative can be
launched.
Another
example is that of AFRICOM, which could cement
a strategic posture in our historic
relationship. The lesson for the United States
should be one that says it is okay to have a
more "normal," interests-based
foreign policy with Liberia, one which
transcends the traditional humanitarian
rhetoric.
China
is fast becoming one of the main sources of
project financed for infrastructure
development in Liberia, which threatens to
surpass activities sponsored by the United
States. Given
the policy direction with PR China,
one wonders if Liberian policymakers have
asked themselves, why
PR China has such growing interest in Liberia.
Would this interest increase its influence and
access to Liberia vast natural resources? What
opportunities is PR China offering Liberia to
sustain development? Is Liberia in the
position to effectively take full advantage of
the new opportunities that China expanded
commitment to Africa offers? How might
Liberia’s historic relationship with the
United States and international financial
institutions change as a result of this grand
embrace of PR China? What effects will the
massive economic activities by PR China have
on our investment climates via the US and EU?
Will the Sirleaf administration’s engagement
with PR China produce fair and balance trade
to our country? Are we prepared for China to
become the most dominant player in our
economy? Would Liberia’s PR China’s policy
provide much needed employment and training
for average Liberians? These questions are
pertinent to our post-conflict recovery, so
lets embrace them strategic thinking.
Kudos
must however be given to the United States
because since President George W. Bush came to
office, America has been undergoing a strange
metamorphosis in its Liberian policy.
Relations
have moved beyond the strains of previous
years, with
support in key sectors that include security
reform, education, health and minor
infrastructure projects. The US investment in
education through the return of the Peace
Crops, Liberia Teacher Training Project and
President Bush’s new Basic Education
Initiative are impressive and excellent.
However,
it needs to be strengthened further through
the engagement of several US-based
universities to partner with institutions in
Liberia to assist Liberian youth who were
deprived of a meaningful education over the
past 20 years. America should come full cycle
in embracing vocational education in as much
as traditional education to strengthen
sustainability. If the US is to become serious
about having a significant and strategic
impact in Liberia, than it should commit
itself to education by having a goal of
training 15,000 Liberian primary, secondary
and vocational teachers over the next five
years. Another area where American policy
towards Liberia could be cherished by average
Liberians is promoting sanitary environment
through effective sanitation waste management,
safe drinking water, public health and hygiene
promotion to change behavior and serve as a
baseline platform from which recovery can be
enhanced.
Francis
Nyepon is managing partner of DUCOR Waste
Management in Liberia. He is a policy analyst
and vice chair of the Center for Security and
Development Studies, and serves on several
boards of humanitarian, environmental and
human rights organizations in the United
States and Liberia. He can be reached at francis.nyepon@Gmail.com
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